
Policy Snapshot
Giving citizens a direct ownership stakes in AI infrastructure via equity stakes
Scenario
Gradual
Augmentation
All Scenarios
Rapid
Automation
Scope
Near Term
(Volatility Risks)
Medium Term
(Transition Risks)
Long Term
(Structural Risks)
Governance Level
Local
National
International
Target
Entrepreneurs
Displaced Workers
Primary Actor
Governments
Private Actors
Automation/Robot Taxes
Taxes aimed to disincentivize labor-replacing automation by removing tax advantages for automation investment or directly levying the deployment of AI and robotic systems.
What it is:
Automation taxes target the decision to automate itself, rather than taxing the profits or wealth that result from automation. The underlying rationale is that current tax codes create an asymmetry favoring capital over labor: while employers pay payroll taxes (including social security contributions) for human workers, investments in automation equipment often receive generous tax deductions, accelerated depreciation, and R&D credits – effectively subsidizing job displacement.
An automation tax could take several forms: (1) a lump-sum tax (fixed amount per robot, ignoring productivity differences); (2) a productivity-based tax (rates varying according to output or efficiency); (3) a job-displacement tax (based on the number of human workers replaced); (4) a wage-equivalence tax (reflecting lost wages of displaced workers); or (5) hybrid approaches combining these elements. The goal is to slow "so-so automation" that occurs primarily to exploit tax arbitrage rather than genuine productivity gains, and to generate revenue for worker transition programs, retraining initiatives, or social safety nets.
Recommended Reading:
Anton Korinek and Lee Lockwood
The future of tax policy: A public finance framework for the age of AI
January 2026
Korinek and Lockwood argue that robot tax proposals conflate two economically distinct policies. Taxes on robot-provided services to end consumers (e.g., robotic delivery, AI customer support) are consumption taxes and economically sound. Taxes on owning or operating robotic equipment are capital taxes that discourage precisely the investment needed for productivity growth — comparable, they argue, to taxing steel during the industrial revolution. This distinction challenges proposals that treat robot taxes as a single category, and suggests the policy question is not whether to tax automation but where in the production chain to apply the levy.
Bernie Sanders
The Big Tech Oligarchs’ War Against Workers
October 2025
Sanders released a report finding that "AI, automation and robotics could replace nearly 100 million jobs in America over the next decade,". He goes on to argue that "instead of providing billions in tax breaks to companies that are throwing workers out on the street and replacing them with new technologies, we should enact a robot tax on large corporations and use the revenue to improve the lives of workers who have been harmed".
American Enterprise Institute
Senator Sanders’ AI Report Ignores the Data on AI and Inequality
October 2025
Will Rinehart argues that robot tax advocates, such as Bernie Sanders, "sidestep the thorny issue of writing a bill because it is incredibly difficult to formally define robots." He notes that existing taxes — capital gains, corporate income, and property taxes — already capture returns from automation, making a robot tax potentially redundant. Rinehart also challenges the premise that AI increases inequality, citing research suggesting AI tools act as "skill equalizers" that raise the performance of lower-skilled workers. He concludes that even if AI displacement concerns prove valid, "this is an argument for better transition assistance, not just a tax on one arbitrarily defined category of capital goods."
Christina Dimitropoulou
Robot Taxation: A Normative Tax Policy Analysis
July 2025
Dimitropoulou provides a comprehensive framework for how robot tax policy should be approached, examining how to define robots for tax purposes, whether autonomous AI systems could be treated as separate taxpayers, and what tax designs are appropriate given principles of equity and efficiency under both domestic and international tax settings.
Daron Acemoglu, David Autor, and Simon Johnson
Building Pro-Worker Artificial Intelligence
February 2026
Acemoglu, Autor, and Johnson argue that the current US tax code places a heavier burden on firms that hire workers than those that invest in automation. They call for a more symmetric tax structure that equalizes marginal taxes on hiring and training versus equipment and software investment, though they do not specify a mechanism. Their broader paper argues that this tax asymmetry is one of several market failures driving systematic underinvestment in pro-worker AI.
Real-world precedents:
In 2017, South Korea became the first country to implement what has been termed a "robot tax," though the policy is more accurately described as a reduction in tax incentives for automation rather than a direct tax on robots. The Moon Jae-in administration reduced tax deduction benefits for companies investing in automation equipment: large companies saw their credit fall from 3% to 1%, mid-sized firms from 5% to 3%, while small firms retained a 7% benefit. Empirical research by Kang, Lee, and Quach (2024) found that the reform led to decreased automation investment, increased employment, and reduced wage inequality.
In February 2017, the European Parliament rejected a robot tax proposal by MEP Mady Delvaux that would have funded retraining for displaced workers, citing concerns about stifling innovation.
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